Evolution of Portuguese women's rights
On March 8th, to coincide with International Women’s Day, a Global Women’s Strike was called, and Porto was one of 10 Portuguese cities that took to the streets and out of the workplace. Organized for the 2nd year by a number of associations and institutions under the banner Greve Feminista (click on the link for more info, site in Portuguese), it had gathered 30,000 people in its first edition.
A protest against inequality, discrimination and violence, a centuries-old struggle that covid aggravated further. According to APAV, association for victim’s protection, there has been an increase in calls for help from domestic violence and abuse between 2019 and 2020. Furthermore, in the professional aspect, women have been cut back on more working hours, work more unpaid hours and are more likely to abdicate their job in order to care for a dependent – despite having higher education, on average.
As a company proud of its female leadership, we at Porto Walkers would like to pay homage to some of the Portuguese women that have advanced the role of women in society, during the last century.
Recently we wrote about Carolina Beatriz Ângelo, a surgeon, who in 1911 had the audacity to vote because the new Constitution didn’t specifically forbid women to do so, becoming the first woman to vote in this country.
In fact, Carolina was doing precisely what she had fought for. Along with Ana de Castro Osório and Adelaide Cabete, the three women founded the Republican League of Portuguese Women in 1909, to fight for the end of the monarchy (toppled one year after) and the emancipation of women and voting rights.
Ana de Castro Osório was a journalist, feminist, prominent figure in the government of the 1st Republic and the creator of Portuguese children’s literature. She took part in the effort during the 1st World War, which highlighted the overlooked importance of women in society. Ana also took part in the committee that drafted the first divorce bill.
At the same time another journalist, feminist and writer by the name of Maria Lamas was seeking a divorce from her husband and her emancipation. What today would be considered usual grounds for divorce, took her 7 years in court to achieve. In 1950 she authored ‘The Women of My Country’, intended to show how Portuguese women lived and worked at the time, having travelled to every corner of the country.
The book was sharply critical of the regime. After the financial decline of the 1st Republic, Portugal declined towards a dictatorship by the late 1920’s, leading to a fascist government led by Salazar that lasted for 41 years, until it was toppled by a revolution on the 25th of April 1974.
The new model of society built by this so-called ‘New State’ (Estado Novo) is proof, and reminder, that rights gained should never be taken for granted and can be revoked at any moment. The ideological framework of the fascist period of Portugal quickly set out to define the role of women in this new society, upon the success of which lies in their ability to care for the family, have children and deal with domestic chores like cooking, washing and cleaning. The reasoning was that no amount of money could replace this ‘invaluable’ work.
Orwell was probably writing about doublespeak by the time Salazar was selling the notion that keeping a woman inside the house was actually for their liberation. All in all, women were the main pillar in keeping the family intact and united, the nativity rate of good Christians nice and high, and men happily fed. For a profit-oriented economy, women were pushed out of sight as their toil fuelled a society in exchange for little to nothing.
Let’s not forget that every primary school classroom was required to exhibit a portrait of Salazar and a crucifix. The Catholic matrix, Salazar’s background, came in handy to enforce men’s superiority over women, which were second-rate citizens. Women should be proud, as their tears and sacrifice would be the salvation of the nation and the their ultimate redemption.
The best a woman could ever aspire was to marry well, at which point she would become virtually her husband’s property. Women weren’t allowed to leave the country without their husband’s permission: the passports had to have their signature. A man could also go to her wife’s workplace and demand that she would quit the job, and any company would fire her on the spot.
The professional status of a woman was always determined by the “special provisions according to the requirements of morals, motherhood, domestic life, education and social good”, according to article 31 of the 1933 constitution. Even though most women worked in industry or agriculture, the New State still insisted on forbidding women from accessing positions in administration, justice or diplomacy.
The jobs that they were allowed to have by the State and their husbands were paid disproportionally. More often than not, women’s salaries for the same position and labour were half than those of men. Actually, making more money than their husbands was looked down upon, and whenever the possibility would arise, many husbands wouldn’t allow women to pursue a higher paying job.
The long and insidious tentacles of the dictatorship stretched out to the mentality of its people through education. It was expected from little girls that they would get education in literature, arts and science, but that they should also never forget their biological design in this world. This is perfectly symbolised in the case of a school manual of the time, which depicted an illustration of little girls cooking, washing and watering flowers, followed by an illustration of little boys fishing and building. Schools were segregated by gender, and girls’ schools had objectively lower academic standards.
Women were also expected to be pure and pristine. Men could dissolve a marriage in case a woman would not be a virgin. A strict moral code was imposed on the way of dressing and behaving. Since divorce was forbidden, having a child in a new relationship would leave a woman only two choices: name the baby after her previous husband or assume the status of “unknown mother”. These strict rules went even further, women working as nurses, air stewardesses or telephone operators were forbidden from getting married.
It was in this context that three women, Maria Teresa Horta, Maria Isabel Barreno and Maria Velho da Costa – known as the ‘Three Marias’ –, released a groundbreaking book called “Novas Cartas Portuguesas” (“New Portuguese Letters”) in 1972, with a clear emphasis on the social and sexual liberation of women.
The concept of the book is inspired by a 17th century nun called Mariana Alcoforado, who fell in love with a French noblemen. When their affair was made public, the scandal led him to desert Mariana and return to France. Mariana then wrote him a series of letters, moving from hope and faith to doubt and despair. This correspondence was later compiled and released under the title ‘Les Lettres Portugaises’.
The ‘New Portuguese Letters’ are structured as letters exchanged between the authors, unsigned. They discuss the feminist predicament and the intent of the work itself. It draws from Mariana’s story, as inspiration and critical reference, and it touches the depths of womanhood and its emancipation, be it physical, cultural and social. The book only got to be sold abroad 2 years after its release, so it is actually possible to find a translation.
The ‘Three Marias’ were charged with immorality and pornography in court. But their case became known worldwide, and became a stain on the international reputation of the regime. The case progressed slowly, until the 1974 revolution came to settle in their benefit
This is the reason why protests like the strike on March 8 are crucial now more than ever. As stated in the mission of Women’s Global Strike, to fight against a vicious system that “has relegated the well-being of women and their communities behind perpetual pursuit of profit and short-term gain”. Because an attack on women is an attack on Mankind, and humanity itself.
Pedro Fiel